Monday, March 31, 2008

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Why?

I received the following question: Your website is very nice, but I would like to know why the color ORANGE is? (It is about the website www.denkenistlenken.de , not about this blog here.)

The color ORANGE for my Affirmationswebseite has been a conscious decision. The same is true for many of my Affirmationsprodukte how the work-book "Break through your mental images." ORANGE is the color of the second chakra, which is associated with creativity in context - not only in terms of creative but also in the sense of creating something, building something. It connects to the power of "That's what I want, with desire and joy." ORANGE provides self-confidence, vitality, healing power and love of life. Moreover, this color is a symbol of movement and heat. These are all qualities that help us integrate affirmations fantastic.

addition is the second chakra and the color orange for the experience of feelings and emotions. Affirmations are mentally geared up to a certain degree: you use your right brain (logical thinking) to think up, formulation, recitation and memorization of affirmations. Affirmations, however, show only a good effect if you are not only the right but the left brain (feeling) using. The color ORANGE has a stimulating influence on it.

way can actually be used in some affirmations and other colors. Affirmations for example, which should help to facilitate learning, are often supported by the color blue. See also the new affirmation, I can every day new start ':

Thursday, March 20, 2008

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Tibet conflict

Philip Bowring written in the IHT together very concisely what lies behind the conflict erupted again just between Tibetans and Han Chinese.
The handling of the Han Chinese with the minorities is a history of centuries of oppression, and practice in Tibet since the 50s is now just one new chapter in the long line of Han Chinese hegemony. Bowring and represents almost exactly the reasons for the actions of the government in Beijing, which amount to brutal suppression: There are three reasons
for the Communist leadership's inability to address the issue other than by repression. First, given that Beijing's first priority is government centralization, the official designation of any "autonomous region" in China is a façade.
Second, there is the innate superiority of the was in the Han race, a notion historically reflected in China's attitudes to all its neighbors as well as toward the non-Han minorities within its borders.
Third, the three regions with significant minority populations that are actual or potential trouble spots are all frontier areas that Beijing regards as strategically important.
that there will be no independence for the three major minorities (Tibetans, the Uighurs, and Koreans), is set for Bowring: China is incapable of
offering minorities either cultural equality or autonomy. Officialdom and much of the population treats minorities either with suspicion or as colorful tourist attractions. This leads to an informal apartheid - evident in the housing, schools and social organization in Tibet and Xinjiang - reinforced by official arrogance.
I can from my travels to Sichuan, Yunnan and the North Korean border area Bowring confirm. Also, my Han Chinese students shared the resentment against minorities that they perceived not as such but as a rule. For them it was just folklore, with which my students have been the best proof of how much does the nationalist propaganda. They took the Tibetans, Hui, Uygur and Korean true only disguised as Chinese and dressed up by so consistently itself and also could be in costumes (which they did not perceive as costumes!) photograph (as you can see it in national parks or tourist locations again and again). On my trip to the border with Myanmar, I was able to witness how the New Year celebrations a minority my Han Chinese took part as naturally as if it were a jolly party. As I hesitated but then the breath of so much ignorance.

Bowring view of the further future is not rosy. It assumes that meet the strident nationalism of the Communists as a hard separation rate is more economic, cultural and social discrimination of minorities against the Han increases:
For now, the Olympics notwithstanding, China will rely on an iron fist to quell dissent. Over the longer term, Beijing will have consider whether to step up efforts to integrate the minority regions into China through money, infrastructure and migration. That might well raise the level of resentment among Tibetans and Uighurs against their relatively rich, commercially exploitive colonizers. Han Chinese may, however, become increasingly reluctant to live in restive minority regions when a better, safer living is available elsewhere.
It is possible that Beijing might eventually allow a little real autonomy in the hope that separatism can be contained. But it is more likely that China's own rising nationalism will meet its match in the determination of Tibetans Uighurs and Koreans not to be swamped by a Han version of Manifest Destiny.

ADDENDUM, 10.08.2008: The opening ceremony of the Olympic Games at 08 August showed the folkloric use of the minority once again very clearly. The symbolism was supportive attitude: the various national minorities have in common the Chinese flag. Later it was revealed that there were no members of minorities, but disguised Han Chinese, who carried the flag.

Sunday, March 16, 2008

Free Letters To Penthouse Online

About the Chinese intelligentsia

Since my return to Germany, I do not read as widely as to China at the time when I was there. But occasionally I come across articles I read with much profit, but to me that I feel impelled to note that here.

on the article by Mark Leonard , executive director of the think tank European Council on Foreign Relations , in the March issue of British magazine Prospect if this is so. Leonard says in the article think his book What does China? , in turn, sums up his nearly five years of experience with the scene of political thinkers in the new China. Some of the following factors, I would like to summarize briefly.

First Leonard outlines the conditions under which a culture of debate in China at all, only kann:
So is the Chinese intelligentsia becoming increasingly open and western? Many of the concepts it argues over--including, of course, communism itself--are western imports. And a more independent-minded, western style of discourse may be emerging as a result of the 1m students who have studied outside China--many in the west--since 1978; fewer than half have returned, but that number is rising. However, one should not forget that the formation of an "intellectual" in China remains very different from in the west. Education is still focused on practical contributions to national life, and despite a big expansion of higher education (around 20 per cent of 18-30 year olds now enrol at university), teaching methods rely heavily on rote learning. Moreover, all of these people will be closely monitored for political dissent, with "political education" classes still compulsory.
portrays Leonard then diverting some of the right and left thinkers in China. "Right" here means: a consistent further market opening while Rückdrängung the public sector. "Links" refers to a position that advocates the corrections of the rampant capitalism in the sense of ecological sustainability and greater social equality. The left wing was apparently under the leadership of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, under the slogan of the harmonious society (héxiéshèhuì 和谐 社会) including the latest, 11 Five Year Plan found expression.

Leonard presents some important issues such as democratization and the export of China's political model pointedly dar. The idea of internal democratization of the party and the gradual democratization of China as a whole has a prominent advocate Yu Keping, who is considered a successor to President Hu. Leonard almost as well as the other items together and sums up: In the long term
, China's one-party state may well collapse. However, in the medium term, the regime seems to be developing Increasingly sophisticated techniques to prolong its survival and pre-empt discontent. China has already changed the terms of the debate about globalization by proving that authoritarian regimes can deliver economic growth. In the future, its model of deliberative dictatorship could prove that one-party states can deliver a degree of popular legitimacy as well. And if China's experiments with public consultation work, Dictatorships around the world will take heart from a model that Allows one-party states to survive in an era of globalization and mass communications.
employs conclusion, Leonard with the question of the threat under the heading China now making the rounds, and comes here to differentiated conclusions:
But while all Chinese thinkers want to Strengthen national power, they disagree on their country's long- term goals. On the one hand, liberal internationalists like Zheng Bijian like to talk about China's "peaceful rise" and how it has rejoined the world; adapting to global norms and learning to make a positive contribution to global order. [...] On the other hand, China's "neocons"--or perhaps they should be called "neo-comms"--like Yang Yi and his colleague Yan Xuetong openly argue that they are using modern thinking to help China realise ancient dreams. [...] The tension between the liberal internationalists and the neo-comms is a modern variant of the Mao-era split between bourgeois and revolutionary foreign policy. For the next few years, China will be decidedly bourgeois. It has decided--with some reservations--to join the global economy and its institutions. Its goal is to strengthen them in order to pin down the US and secure a peaceful environment for China's development. But in the long term, some Chinese hope to build a global order in China's image. The idea is to avoid confrontation while changing the facts on the ground. Just as they are doing in domestic policy, they hope to build pockets of an alternative reality--as in Africa--where it is Chinese values and norms that increasingly determine the course of events rather than western ones.
Und ganz am Ende seines Artikels fasst Leonard zusammen:
China is not an intellectually open society. But the emergence of freer political debate, the throng of returning students from the west and huge international events like the Olympics are making it more so. And it is so big, so pragmatic and so desperate to succeed that its leaders are constantly experimenting with new ways of doing things. They used special economic zones to test out a market philosophy. Now they are testing a thousand other ideas - from deliberative democracy to regional alliances. From this laboratory of social experiments, a new world-view is emerging that may in time Crystallis into a recognisable Chinese model - to alternative, non-western path for the rest of the world to follow.
The whole article can be read here .